Rights of Black Men (1791)

Rights of Black Men.

If Freedom depends upon colour, and if the Blacks were born for slaves, those in the West-India Islands may be called Insurgents and Murderers. If Freedom depends upon colour, we have only to seek for the whitest man in the world, that we may find the freest, and for the blackest, that we may find the greatest slave. But the enlightened mind of Americans will not receive such ideas. We believe, that Freedom is the natural right of all rational beings, and we know that the Blacks have never voluntarily resigned that Freedom. Then is not their cause as just as ours? We fought with bravery, and prayed earnestly for success upon our righteous cause, when we drew the sword, and shed the blood of Englishmen—for what!—Not to gain Freedom; for we were never Slaves; but to rid ourselves of taxes, imposed without our consent, and from the growing evils of usurpation. Believing our cause to have been just, I believe firmly, that the cause of the Blacks is just. They are asserting those rights by the sword, which it was impossible to secure by mild measures.—Stripes, imprisonment, hunger, nakedness, cruel tortures and death, were the portion of those Blacks who even talked of liberty, or who, for a moment, conducted like Freemen. Did we talk coolly about the cruel murders of our brothers and sisters at the Northward?—Did we act coolly, when our officers and soldiers were loaded with irons in loathsome dungeons, and dying by hundreds in prisonships?—We did not.—Then shall we preach lessons of coolness and moderation to the Blacks?—Alas, they are not in a situation to hear us. Gallowses are erected, and tortures prepared for them at this very moment.

Review the history of their past sufferings, be but a moment in their situation, and judge whether, in a climate warm as theirs, your blood would flow coolly. Let us be consistent Americans, and if we justify our own conduct in the late glorious Revolution, let us justify those, who, in a cause like ours, fight with equal bravery.

We may feel in the cause of humanity, and may lament, that the blood of white men is spilling. It would be happy indeed, if the rights of man could in all countries be asserted as coolly and judiciously, as they have been in France; but, in the French West-India Islands, this could not have been done. The effort of the Blacks for a peaceable assertion would have cost them their lives. Arms gave them courage in a common cause. If their Lords had kept them in savage ignorance, shall they be blamed, that they fight like savages? Had they been learnt the art of war, they might have conducted their measures more according to Baron Steuben. Had they been treated with mildness, perhaps their measures had been more mild.

We talked in the late war about the hand of Providence. Since that we have seen the wonders of Providence in various parts of the world, and have gloried that men, long oppressed, had dared to assert their rights. Shall we now cease to glory?—Shall we now sacrifice principle to a paltry partiality for colour? Can we believe that the French people were ever oppressed as the Blacks have been?—Let those differ from me, who will, I have a firm confidence, that we shall now see the hand of Providence more visibly, than ever. The Universal Father seems now demonstrating that of one blood, he has created all nations of men, that dwell on the face of the earth.

In the last war, we called those savages and monsters in human shape, who would be hired to assist in reducing us to allegiance. We agreed to ascribe all the glory to Heaven, if we might be prospered; but in all our histories since the war, have ascribed all the glory to ourselves, politely trusting that the goodness of our Heavenly Father needed not our praises. Zealous in the theory of liberty, we talked in high strains about the equal rights of man, and formed ourselves into societies for the abolition of slavery. The policy of some of the states has, to their honor, reduced this theory to practice. In other states, liberty and property clashed, and the last, as usual, gained the victory. The blacks are still enslaved within the United States. The Indians are driven into the society of savage beasts, and we glory in the equal rights of men, provided that we white men can enjoy the whole of them.

On every sabbath, we hear fervent prayers for the poor blacks, and earnest supplications that Ethiopia may stretch forth her hands, and be known among the free christian nations of the earth. On Monday we read of a ship-load of Africans, who rose and massacred master and mariners, and took possession of the ship, and of freedom.—Terrible news!—On Tuesday we read of a black man's murdering his overseer,—O shocking! On Wednesday, the insurgents in the West-Indies killed 43 of the white people, and took 12 prisoners,—distressing intelligence!—On Thursday, we are told of a party of blacks sallying out upon the whites; that they were all repulsed, with great loss; that 20 were taken and hung on a gallows, after some exemplary tortures. Now, this is comforting!—On Friday, 'tis currently reported, that the blacks are very undisciplined; daily dying; almost out of provisions—O excellent news!

On Friday evening, the society for the abolition of slavery is convened, where the President, Vice-President, the honourable and esquirated Members of the corresponding Committee, the Secretary, Vice-Secretary, Treasurer and Vice Treasurer, and honourable Members, are unanimously of opinion, that though the blacks are entitled to freedom, they ought to have petitioned for it, and not to have taken up arms.

On Saturday, we send to Thomas and Andrews's to buy the last edition of Paine's Rights of Man, which we read with great conviction; and on Sunday are again convened to pray for the poor blacks.

My friends, whether your prayers are heard or not heard, God is taking his own way to emancipate these blacks. Not waiting for your tardy measures, votes and corresponding letters, he has put it into their hearts to assert their own cause. He is leading them to  work out their political salvation, as he led you to do it. He is teaching them, as he taught you, that freedom from the tyranny of men is to be had only at the price of blood. By this lesson, he instructs them, as he did you, in the value of freedom.

If that, which is the right of the blacks cannot be quietly obtained, I wish success to their arms, with all my heart, and lament, that it is not in my power to afford them effectual assistance. The sword is drawn, blood must be shed, and freedom must be obtained.—Shall Americans hesitate whose part to take? Does our alligance with France oblige us to murder our fellow-creatures, for doing that, which we have called Heaven to witness was just? Americans may decide as they will; their decision upon this subject may not prove final.—They may send arms and powder and provisions; all the instruments of death, and the means of life, and may assist in reducing to slavery, men born free as ourselves.—A blessed commentary upon their opposition to Great-Britain! A glorious effort of men, composingliberating societies!—A fine translation of the Rights of Man!

The cry of the poor wretches, who are now fighting for their liberties and lives, for their wives and children, has gone up into the ears of the God of Sabbaoth. He had promised to hear the cry of the prisoner and of the oppressed. He has come down to avenge their wrongs. If his hand was ever visible, it is at this moment. He has made bare his arm; he will scatter the proud, and make the oppressor to flee before him. Then shall the free blacks enjoy that country, which they have dearly earned by sweat and blood; then shall they labour with cheerfulness, knowing, that they will enjoy the fruit of their toils and weariness. This seems to be the moment for the liberating societies in Europe and America, to come forward, and to shew the sincerity of their professions, and their unwavering attachment to the Rights of Man.

Whether white or black blood is spilt, is equal in the eye of that Being, who will never decide by their colour, the fate of the creatures, whom he has made.

If the blacks are ignorant, they will soon be otherwise—they are now in the school of experience. If they have been despised, they will assume their native consequence. Even now they feel distress, as much as we do.—If their little all is at stake, it is as dear to them, as our all is to us.

"Even the poor Beetle, that we tread upon,
"In corporal suff'rance, feels a pang as great
"As when a Giant dies."

THEY feel; we ought to feel for them; to pray for them; to assist them; and to shew, that we have not been hypocrites in the cause of freedom; that we dare, upon all occasions, to testify our respect for the rights of man, our humanity for the oppressed, and ever to think, speak and act, as becomes decided Americans.

I SPEAK the words of truth and soberness, in saying, that the blacks are now fighting in a just cause.—My assertion, that they are entitled to freedom, is founded upon the American Declaration of Independence:—Upon the language of our petitions to the English court, at the commencement of the late war:—Upon the spirit of freedom, which animated and conducted to victory, the American army:—Upon Paine's Common Sense:—Upon the articles of our liberating societies, and upon the Declaration of Rights, to be seen in the different statute-law-books throughout the states.

Have we already forgotten the animating sound, Liberty or Death? That sound has gone out into the world, and is rapidly extending to the ends of the earth. From various parts of Europe we have already heard the echo, Liberty or Death: We have firmly asserted, that all men are free. Yet, as soon as the poor blacks, who have been oppressed beyond measure, who suffered, till cruelty itself cried out, It is enough,—who bore, till patience had done its perfect work, echoed Liberty or Death, we have been the first to assist in riveting their chains!—From us, the blacks had a right to expect effectual assistance. They were pursuing the principles, which we had taught them, and are now sealing with their blood, the rights of men; yet, Americans are sending assistance to their enemies. I do not suggest, that the Federal Legislature has sent them assistance, or that any one of the States has officially afforded assistance; but vessel-loads of military stores and provisions have been sent; the public papers have been cautiously filled with reports of the success of the whites.

Every public transaction, and most private conversations have evinced a great zeal in favor of the whites, and one can hardly wish the blacks to be victorious, without exposing himself to censure, calumny and opprobious names. That conduct and language which, in 1775, would have a cost a man the loss of his liberty, will now, in 1791, be applauded.—But my argument for a contrary conduct and language is made up in the following manner.

The blacks are entitled to freedom, for we did not say, all white men are free; but all men are free. The blacks bore their condition of slavery, till it become intolerable. The blacks took up arms to rid themselves of slavery. Arms were their only resource. They use their arms according to the best of their knowledge. They look to the liberating societies for that aid and support, which they were taught to expect. It is cruelty then to withhold such aid and support:—Worse than cruelty to assist their enemies. If, at this time, the liberating societies do not come forward, how ridiculous must appear their orations, their publications, their records, their addresses to the passions, and to the reason, in favor of the poor blacks!!—How profane must appear their appeals to Heaven for the sincerity of their zeal, and their resolution to exert themselves to liberate the blacks!!

In calm seasons, the timid sailor is on deck, defying the storm; but in a gale of wind, he is sick in his hammock. On days of peace and public review, the cowardly soldier is on parade with swelled cheeks, and eyes flashing fire; but when the trumpet calls to actual battle, the poor wretch has the cannon-fever.

To hammock-sickness, and cannon-fevers may be imputed the present silence of our liberating societies. So far as the appointment of officers, and pretty letters, written upon gilt paper, could prove their zeal, they were zealous; but when they heard the sound Liberty or Death, like good christians, they left all to an over-ruling Providence. Where now are the pen, the tongue, the counsel, the sword, and the money of these zealous men? They were ready to risque all, for the liberation of the poor blacks:—But when the serious point comes, Will you assist them? They are sick in their hammocks, and the public papers are left to record the deaths without a prospect of the liberty of the blacks.